Transnational Echoes and Blocked Transformations – Published on The Bullet, Socialist Project’s E-Bulletin No. 922, by Mario Candeias, January 2, 2014.
Triggered by the Arab Spring (LuXemburg 1/2011), a series of transnational movements, such as the Indignants and Occupy Wall Street, began gathering pace in 2011 in Europe, Turkey, the U.S., Chile and Brazil. The events are being driven by an urban precariat that is better educated than ever before. Time and again, spaces open up for protests and organizing. Time and again, events underway in one place begin echoing in another, transnational connections spring up and solidarity comes to the fore.
This recently happened almost simultaneously in Athens (Völpel, 2013), in Istanbul’s Gezi Park (Tugal, 2013; Hammond/Angel, 2013;) and in other cities throughout Turkey and Brazil (Richmond, 2013; Dilger, 2013) … //
… Molecular Organizing: … //
… A Blocked Arab Spring: … //
… Difficulties on the Way to Restructuring: … //
… Outrage Fizzles Out: … //
… Can You Seize Power Without Changing the World?
Greece’s government has also been weakened. The leftist, social-democratic party Dimar pulled out of the coalition in response to the surprise closure of the state broadcaster and to the mass protests that followed. That has left the government with a wafer-thin majority in parliament. It is very likely that a new round of fighting and strikes, combined with the lack of an economic upturn, will plunge the remaining coalition, made up of the conservative Nea Dimokratia (ND) and the social-democratic Pasok, into severe difficulties. Some observers suspect that the ND could enter into a coalition with a breakaway group formed by members of the fascist Golden Dawn party. The ND itself has suggested founding a new centre party, although it remains unclear which groups it would include and what section of the electorate it would target.
If the current coalition were hit by another crisis (though this is hard to predict at the moment) that triggered a fresh round of elections, it would raise the question of whether a left-wing, Syriza-led government might be voted in. As things stand, Nea Dimokratia and Syriza are neck-and-neck in the polls. Pasok is down at around seven percent, which means the ND is in danger of losing its coalition partner – though Syriza would also be on the lookout for one.
Syriza acts as a kind of concentration point: it takes the many civil-society activities involved in self-organizing and protesting, combines them and translates them into real prospects for getting into power. “And yet, the scope for taking action within the existing institutions is likely to be tiny. There is little chance of the troika or the international financial markets loosening their grip – quite the opposite. Syriza knows very well that it is impossible to seize power without changing the world” (LuXemburg, 1/2013, 146). A potential left-wing government is wedged between authoritarian European constitutionalism, and a bureaucratic machine powered by Pasok and Nea Dimokratia’s clientelism, and must reckon with capitalist measures driving the country even deeper into its economic crisis. It will not be enough to reject and renegotiate the memoranda, introduce capital controls, and continue developing a comprehensive programme for government. If there is no fundamental challenge to the status quo, if no new institutions are created, then even Syriza has no chance of forming a government.
The government would have to refuse to govern on a traditional basis. For this to happen, an emergency social and economic programme should immediately be combined with a move that abandons the status quo and brings large sections of the population together in a process of collective reorganization. The aid networks and organizational processes that are based on solidarity have created the civil-society hubs needed for this to happen (cf. Wainwright, 2012). However, it remains unclear whether they will be enough to support a left-wing government during a crisis-plagued transition. There is also a need for strong international solidarity and similar processes in other countries.
Everyone is Fighting in Their Own Corner: … //
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Mario Candeias on de.wikipedia (* 1969 in West-Berlin) ist ein deutscher Politikwissenschaftler und seit 2012 Co-Direktor des Instituts für Gesellschaftsanalyse der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung in Berlin. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte bilden die organische Krise des Finanzmarkt-Kapitalismus und radikale Strategien sozialökologischer Transformation …;
Artikel: Die Krise beenden: für eine starke gesellschaftliche Linke, auf nd-Newsletter von neues deutschland (sozialistische Tageszeitung), vom 30 Juni 2012;
Buch: Neoliberalismus, Hochtechnologie, Hegemonie – Grundriss einer trnasnationalen kapitalistischen Produktions- und Lebensweise – eine Kritik, von Mario Candeias, on amazon.de. l