Libya’s Quest for Justice: The Thin Line Between Guilt and Innocence

Published on Spiegel Online International, by Juliane von Mittelstaedt in Tripoli, August 31, 2012. (Photo Gallery).

Mohammed Gwaidar could chain the man to the wall, hang him up, send electroshocks through his body and beat the soles of his feet until they swell up like balloons. In some ways, it would be fair, because these are precisely the things that the man in cell 6 at the Hadba prison in the Libyan capital Tripoli did to him. Gwaidar, 48, was himself locked up for 11 years because of his religious convictions and for attempting to overthrow the government. The prison now holds a former prime minister, 14 colonels in the intelligence service, dozens of prison guards and thugs — and Hamsa, his former tormentor. 

But Gwaidar doesn’t want to torture the man. Instead, he wants to talk to him. He is seeking the answer to a question that has dogged him all these years: Why did more than 1,200 people have to die in the Abu Salim prison massacre in 1996? Why did so many more have to suffer? Why was there so much hatred?
They spoke for the first time in February, the torturer and his victim, who is now the director of the Hadba prison. Hamsa was picked up by Gwaidar’s men while hiding with his family in western Libya, too poor to flee abroad.

Their first conversation is short. “Do you remember?” Gwaidar asks. Hamsa shakes his head. Gwaidar shows the prisoner his hands, but Hamsa stares at the floor. Gwaidar goes down on his knees, bends forward, holds his hands behind his back and then stands on tiptoe. “This is what you did to me. This is how I was hanging for 10 days,” he says loudly. Now Hamsa is looking at Gwaidar’s wrists, which are encircled by a straight line, as if someone had tried to cut off his hands. “I knew that you would come to get me one day,” he says. And then he starts to cry.

When the Prisoners Become the Guards: … //

… Only Memories:

  • Some 300 men were allegedly involved in the Abu Salim massacre. About 100 of them have been arrested, and most are being held at Hadba prison. Twenty men whose lives are inextricably linked to Abu Salim are now their interrogators. Some were prisoners, while others lost brothers and sons there. Together, they have recorded confessions, allowed victims to confront perpetrators and reconstructed the massacre.
  • Gwaidar pushes a ring binder across the table, saying that it would be best to see for ourselves. According to the records, former intelligence chief Abdullah al-Senussi and Gadhafi’s cousin, Mansour Dhao, gave the orders for the massacre. Senussi has fled to Mauritania while Dhao was arrested in Misrata. An estimated 1,270 of the prison’s 1,700 inmates died, including 120 who were sick. They were driven into the prison yards. For two hours, guards fired on the crowd from the roof. The bodies were taken to a construction trench the next day. Four years later, the dead were dug up and prison officials tried to destroy them with chemicals and grind them into pieces in a gravel crusher. They eventually burned the bodies and dumped the ashes into the sea.
  • There is no longer any evidence, only memories, and there are men like Hamsa who, while feeling regret, do not feel guilty. “I wanted to be dead,” says Hamsa, describing the moment when he faced Gwaidar. He himself tells the story of their first encounter, after the prison director has brought him from his cell.
  • The former torturer is a tall, thin, 59-year-old man who spent 20 years working in Abu Salim. Though gaunt today, it is clear that he was once a strong man. He has dark circles under his eyes, and a grin that is reminiscent of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein — oddly cheerful and grim at the same time.

I Didn’t Count How Many People I Killed: … //

… Ready to Forgive:

  • One of the ironies of life is that those who have suffered the most are often more capable of forgiveness. Khalil, however, doesn’t want to forget. He is filled with rage against the men who killed two of his brothers at Abu Salim. He had to hide his rage for so many years, because it was dangerous to even mention the massacre.
  • “Yes, we treated the prisoners badly. The food was horrible. Many had tuberculosis, and we beat them,” says Hamsa. But he refuses to acknowledge what he did to the man on the sofa.
  • “He was the torture machine,” says Gwaidar, as if Hamsa were not in the room. “His only job was to torture the prisoners. We can remember every second, but he can’t, because he tortured so many people.”
  • Hamsa smiles and says: “Those were my orders. What could I have done? My cousin was in prison, and I was being watched. I had no choice.”
  • What sort of punishment does he feel would be fair? “I don’t know,” says Hamsa. “It’s in God’s hands.”

Demonstrating Their Loyalty:

  • After returning Hamsa to his cell, the warden says: “We want to put everyone on trial who shed blood. We now need trials for the murderers. It’s important for national reconciliation.”
  • But who is guilty? Gwaidar has interrogated many of the murderers of Abu Salim, and they have all said the same thing: If we hadn’t killed, we would have been killed. Gwaidar says that he doesn’t know what he would have done in their position. “But I believe that they also did it to demonstrate their loyalty. No one called in sick, not even on the second day of the massacre. And even those who had the day off showed up to participate. Today some weep when they speak about it, while others show no emotion at all.”
  • Why? None of the prisoners seems to have an answer. And perhaps that is the worst thing of all, the fact that there might not be an explanation.

(full text).

Part 2: Eleven Lost Years.

Links:

How to Kill Student Curiosity in 12 Easy Steps: Want to stamp out the curiosity in even the most eager of learners? Here’s how, on AlterNet/Education, by Terry Heick, August 27, 2012;

College Students Are Going Homeless and Hungry – And Corporate America Is Trying to Exploit Them: A look at the growing numbers of homeless and hungry college students trying desperately to make ends meet – and those who are willing to exploit them, on AlterNet/Education (first on Socialist Worker), by Adam Turl, August 27, 2012;

Are Police in Schools Making Students Safer, or Putting Them at Greater Risk for Abuse? Police intervention in our public schools is on the rise. Whether that’s a good thing for students has yet to be determined, on AlterNet/Education, by S.E. Smith, August 23, 2012.

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